A. Voices of
Minority Ethnic Christians in Myanmar
Samuel N. Lynn
General Background
Myanmar is the second largest country, after Indonesia, in Southeast Asia
with 262,000 sq. miles of land area and a population of 45 million (Lonely
Planet website). Interestingly, Myanmar, a member of ASEAN (since July 23,
1997), is strategically located between South Asia and Southeast Asia and is
geographically sandwiched between the two most populous nations in the world
- China on the North and Northeast, and India on the Northwest. Other
neighboring countries are Thailand on the Southeast, Laos on the East, and
Bangladesh on the West.
The ethnic Christian minorities are located on all frontier or border areas.
The geographical nature of the location consists of rugged hills, steep
gorges and high mountains, which have made them isolated socio-culturally,
economically and even politically from the rest of Myanmar. Myanmar
comprises of 135 national ethnic groups with eight major national ethnic
groups1: Kachin, Kayin, Kayah, Chin, Mon, Bamar, Rakhine and
Shan. Bamar, the largest national ethnic group, constitutes 70%, Karen 9%,
Shan 8%, Rakhine 5%, Mon 2.5%, Chin 2.5% and Kachin 2%.
In terms of population of religious adherents, the estimated percentage of
Buddhists is 89%, Christians 6%, Islam 2.5%, Hindus 0.5%, and animists and
others 2%. Among the Christian minorities, the Chin ethnic group is the
largest, with 98% Christians of 473,000 Chin population on the hills in the
Chin State and about 90% Christians of all Chin population of 1.5 million
both in the Chin and other states. The Karen group comes second with 55%
Christians of 1,431,377 Karen population; Kachin group comes third with
36.4% Christians of 1.2 million.2 Although there is an increasing
percentage of Christian population among non-Burman ethic minorities such as
Shan, Wah, Lahu, Lisu and Kayah, due to varied socio-political pressures,
there is a decline in the number of Christians and churches especially among
the Karen Christians today. Many from the predominantly Buddhist ethnic
groups such as Burman, Mon, Rakhine, Shan and the majority Karen still
strongly adhere to Buddhism.
Educational Issues
Due to isolation since mid-1960s from the world community and academic
inquiry, higher education in Myanmar has collapsed to below zero. Before the
1960s, Burma prided herself in having a literacy rate of more than 90% and
in placing high value on youth education. Since 1988, literacy rates began
to decline to 83%.3 As universities were closed from 1989 through
2000 many students (estimated at 300,000 in 2000) are waiting for
acceptance. A policy of the university education management often places
students of ethnic non-Buddhist groups in low priority for acceptance into
government-supported universities and colleges. The government opened a
"distance learning university education" but many students from poor and
low-income families of the hill tribes cannot afford to commute.
Short courses, poor instruction, lack of textbooks, outdated and limited
resources, all result in poor quality education. Although universities and
colleges were officially reopened in 2000, many university students and
teachers were deliberately dispersed in study centers, which were relocated
in the suburbs with poor transportation and communication facilities. Many
poor students from ethnic minority groups cannot afford accommodation in
urban cities like Mandalay and Yangon. Many high school and primary school
teachers spend more time giving private home tuition because they earn three
times more than when they teach in school. This means that youth education
in Myanmar has gradually become home-based paid education for which many
poor families from ethnic minorities cannot afford.
Education at all levels is conducted by didactic, rote learning methods;
students memorize teachers' outdated lectures. Tests and exams are often
leaked out, not only through bribing teachers or examiners but also due to
the overall ethos of dishonesty. Cheating during school exams is a
widespread habit among young high school students. School teachers who do
not have genuine interest in teaching have to continue teaching because they
are not allowed to resign or transfer from their teaching jobs. While
children of the rich and ruling class people are getting better education
outside the country, students from poor ethnic minority groups are left
lagging behind.
The languages of minority groups were initially allowed to be taught for
five years in primary schools until the pre-socialist period in 1964. They
were taught for three years during U Ne Win's socialist period. They were
finally banned about the end of U Ne Win's period, a ruling that continues
today. For minority ethnic Christians, the preservation and promotion of
each ethnic language is an essential part of their social existence and
cultural identity that any cultural manipulation or domination from outside
is strongly opposed.4
Question of Life Survival: Economic Nightmares
In order to develop, Myanmar continues to need assistance, cooperation and
encouragement from the international community. Presently Myanmar is trying
to build with its own philosophy a new nation out of the continuing
encounters of both external political disturbances and national
reconciliation process. Just as 'Burmese way to Socialism' was the popular
slogan during Ne Win's socialist period, so is 'Burmese way to Democracy'
today.
Minority ethnic Christians, particularly of the hill tribes, have
experienced a variety of economic hardships during the past decades of
repression and military rule. These experiences, combined with corrupted
moral and socio-political suppression, have kept people in fear. In order to
survive, people have developed a coping mechanism which is daubed
"corruption-adapted common way of life" and which is potentially harmful for
both the individual and society. Hence, knowingly or unknowingly, almost
every person gets involved in doing some things that would have been
considered illegal or unethical.
No one knows the future of ethnic minorities. Fear, anxiety, ambiguity,
uncertainty and distress are common experiences, coupled with continuing
nationwide economic nightmares. All these have dampened peoples' moral
obligation to uphold truth and justice. Cheating, bribery and gambling have
become more widespread whether in social, religious, political,
institutional and economic levels of society. As one common saying puts it:
"Nothing is impossible if one does anything with nah-lay-hmuh (the
understandable way)." Whatever one does, whether just or unjust, has to do
only with the question of life survival, not with religious moral ethics.
The economic nightmare of Myanmar today has often reminded minority ethnic
Christians what prophet Amos said: "...selling of the righteousness for
silver and the needy for a pair of shoes - they that trample the head of the
poor into the dust of the earth, and turn aside the way of the afflicted"
(Amos 2:6-7).
Forced Porters, Child Labor, and Women
One of the criticisms of the international community against the present
military regime is enforced labor, including child labor. Those forced into
labor are mainly ethnic minorities living in the jungles, on rugged mountain
areas, and in the frontier and border areas. The army would forcibly enlist
local people from ethnic rural villages to carry their things such as food
supplies, medical accessories and weapons. Forced porters and laborers are
also enlisted to clear hidden mines or explosives. Many of them have lost
their lives, leaving behind their desolate and homeless children, wives and
relatives, and often without any compensation.
The government often blames the Karen insurrection group in the Thai_Myanmar
border areas for giving military training to young children. However, the
government is neither innocent, despite attempts to cooperate with various
NGOs and religious organizations to safeguard child labor. These days more
children from remote ethnic minority areas go to the cities to look for
jobs. They work in tea/coffee shops, car washing and small convenience
stores. They work daily for an estimated monthly pay of about 2000 or 3000
kyats (equivalent to U$1.50 or $2.00). In some instances they are not
treated well.
In Myanmar, women are religiously and culturally subordinated to men. The
government tries to lift up women's status but its attempt is only for
Burmese Buddhist women. In order to improve the status of women there is a
need to overhaul the mindset, structure and way of life in society. Anna May
Say Pa, Principal of the Myanmar Institute of Theology, is right when she
writes, "Religion and culture have so dominated the Burmese woman's life
that even an educated woman will believe that she is less worthy than a
man".5 According to her research, of the 37 Ministers and 42
Deputy Ministers, none is a woman. Burmese women should also be given a
chance to participate in public offices and top-decision making bodies of
the government, she said.
Buddhistization of Minority Ethnic Christians
Instead of respecting the plurality of 135 national ethnic groups with their
distinctive languages, cultures and historical backgrounds, there is an
attempt to assimilate ethnic people, including the minority ethnic
Christians, into the religion, culture, and way of life of the majority.
Starting at the pre-independence period, this assimilation process has often
been termed "Burmanization" (to make all ethnic people Burmans and
Buddhists). As this process has taken a religious-cultural form, it has also
been called "assimilation into Buddhist culture" or "Buddhistization". The
nationalist motto in the 1930s had been "Amyo, barthar, thatana" which meant
"Burmese race, Burmese language, and Burmese religion (Buddhism)." This
Burmese nationalist ideology continues to dominate the post-independence
political leaders of the country - from U Nu's period, through the
three-decade of Ne Win's Burmese way to Socialism, and up to the present.
According to David Brown, an observer of Burmese politics, such assimilation
has taken place simply because the Burmans who led the nationalist movement
and managed the state machinery have considered themselves to be the most
advanced, most modern, and most nationalist community.6
Among native nationalist writers whose views explicitly supported the
process of Burmanization was Po Latt who wrote:
The official view was that a unity of culture existed among the peoples of
the Union and that existing differences are only expressions of the same
culture at different stages of development. The Burman and Pyu peoples had
long since amalgamated; the Mons had been almost absorbed, and Shan
assimilation was in progress. The Karens, Kachins, and Chins were also
mainly Tibeto-Burman, and all were allegedly suitable for becoming parts of
a closely knit cultural organization.7
Since post-independence period, from the time of Ne Win to the present,
Burmese language became not only the official common language of all ethnic
groups of the Union but also the only medium of instruction for all
education in Myanmar. A crucial problem for the minority ethnic Christians
is not necessarily the use of Burmese as common language but the
government's attempts to eliminate the long existing languages of minority
ethnic Christians.
Isolation of Minority Christian Religion
Buddhism does not teach to propagate its faith by force. It is against the
fundamental belief and doctrine of Theravada Buddhism to act in such a
manner. Theravada Buddhism strictly prohibits monks from participating in
any kind of political or commercial activities. It is also tolerant towards
non-Buddhist faiths. This tolerant attitude has led to the idea of religious
non-interference. Thus, Myanmar is probably one of few countries where the
major religions live together harmoniously.8 This
non-interference concept was behind the response of Burmese Buddhists to Ann
Judson (wife of Adoniram Judson, the first Baptist missionary to Burma):
"Our religion is good for us, yours for you".9
This Burmese Buddhist philosophy has not encouraged Burmese Buddhists to
have dialogue with non-Buddhists, including Christians. Christians and
non-Buddhists have come to co-exist peacefully but at a distance from each
other, without any interaction or cooperation. There has never been a real
interfaith encounter or interreligious dialogue between Buddhists and
non-Buddhists in Myanmar. This isolation of religions has contributed to the
social alienation and misunderstanding among adherents of different
religions. In fact, religious discrimination against minorities has often
been accentuated by this lack of mutual understanding between the adherents
of religion of the majority and adherents of the religions of the
minorities. Among the restrictions that hinder Christians and other
non-Buddhist minorities to fully enjoy their rights and freedom of faith are
giving no permission to set up Christian Churches and institutional
buildings, non-issuance of passports for Christian pastors, and limited
freedom of preaching and propagation of the Christian gospel among the
Burman Buddhists.
Theological Assessment and Churches' Responses
The painful journey of minority ethnic Christians in Myanmar reflects three
stages of life in exile, similar to the life situation of the Israelite
people in their journey to the promised land. As in the fist stage, when the
Israelite people suffered from slavery in Egypt for about 400 years under
Pharaoh, the minority ethnic people in Myanmar have also suffered from
bitter colonial experiences under the British Indian Empire for over a
hundred years. Burma was a province of the British Indian Empire until 1937
and gained independence in 1948. During this colonial period, the British
colonialists and Western Christian missionaries brought about damages to the
languages, cultures and religions of the minority ethnic groups. Many
indigenous cultures and religions were destroyed and people were treated as
objects of colonial mission expansionism. This was the first stage of our
exile in our own land.
As in the second stage, when the Israelite people were exiled in Babylon
where they cried for their homeland, so did the minority Christians in
Myanmar suffer from internal colonization by the majority population in
Myanmar. This second exile began in 1965 when the revolutionary government
under Ne Win took power, expelled all Christian missionaries from the
country, and nationalized all indigenous lands, properties, schools and many
other things. This is the second stage of our exile in our own land.
Finally, just as the Israelite people were made to assimilate to the
Canaanite culture and religions (e.g., Canaanization occurred through
inter-marriage and giving Canaanite names to Israelite children) so were the
indigenous Christians in Myanmar made to assimilate to the Burman Buddhist
religion and culture. This process has been and still is characterized as
Burmanization or Buddhistization. The government does not only try to
eliminate indigenous languages and Christianity but it also wants to make
all indigenous people Burmans and all Christians Buddhists. This is the
third stage of our exile in our own land.
What could the minority ethnic Christians do today? Would God send a Messiah
to liberate the indigenous people in Myanmar? The answer lies with the
indigenous people themselves. But there are many political and social
restrictions for indigenous people in their journey to full-fledged freedom
of life. Is something wrong with the minority ethnic Christians especially
in their relation to the majority Buddhists either in terms of historical
contact or inter-faith dialogue?
The almost two-hundred-year-old Christian presence in Myanmar has been and
still is seen as a potted plant that has not yet been completely
transplanted into the Buddhist soil of the country. There is a Christian
reluctance or inability to dialogue with Buddhism and other traditional
faiths of the people. The Christian presence is evident among ethnic
minorities such as Kachins, Chins, Lahus and Was. It is estimated at less
than 1% among the Bamars, Rakhines, Mons and Shans. Christianity in Myanmar
was and still is viewed merely as a religion of ethnic minority groups that
embody western political and religious-cultural ideals. To a Burman
Buddhist's understanding, there is no difference between being a Western and
being a Christian. So the presence of a Christian in Myanmar is not only
seen as a spiritual but also as a political threat. Such a misunderstanding
must be removed and the Christian message of love, forgiveness, peace,
justice and reconciliation be highlighted.10
For a fruitful witness and effective Christian mission, it is imperative for
Myanmar Christians to seriously take more tolerant and humble steps in their
approach to the faiths of their neighbors, hence, the need for
interreligious dialogue and study of the majority Buddhist religion. In
response to this need, the Myanmar Baptist Convention, the largest Christian
organization in Myanmar, and the Myanmar Council of Churches (MCC) have
launched various programs and activities related to Christian-Buddhist
dialogue. This dialogue includes not only inter-religious dialogue but also
political dialogue - e.g. reconciliation processes through Shalom Christian
Foundation at a higher level. MCC implemented since the 1990s various
dialogue programs and activities at both national and regional levels to
facilitate Christian-Buddhist interaction and promote interreligious
contact, fellowship, and reconciliation. Christian endeavors include such
activities as Christmas dinner party with government officials, dignitaries,
Buddhist monks, and ecumenical seminars and workshops on dialogue and
Buddhist meditation at national and regional levels. Under the leadership of
the Association of Theological Education in Myanmar (ATEM), seminaries and
Bible schools have been asked to teach a compulsory subject on
Christian-Buddhist Dialogue. The Myanmar Institute of Theology took the
initiative in this area since 1998.
Finally, the aforementioned minority ethnic issues with particular reference
to the Christian minority groups have paved the way for a new way of
theological thinking and reflection in Myanmar. The tragic experiences have
made them reconsider the value of life and to renew their theological
concepts. What makes theological thinking in Myanmar unique has to do
particularly with 'the peculiarity of its context. Myanmar theological
context is unique in terms of the people's suffering from the hard realities
of life. Doing theology for Christian minorities in Myanmar does not only
deal with liberation from economic poverty but more basically with
empowering the ethnic Christian minorities to courageously confront the hard
realities of life.
In other words, theology of ethnic Christian minorities must be able to
boldly address current social, economic, political, religious and cultural
structures and systems affecting the life situation in Myanmar. To develop
such a theology of self-empowerment, minority ethnic Christians must
continue to engage in constructive struggle to uproot oppressive structures
of society that have brought about extreme poverty, moral decadence, and
varied abuses of human rights.
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